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US
Constitution revolution for real democracy
Pending a radical change to the US
Constitution progressives can forget genuine democracy, says Tom Crumpacker.
Meanwhile commercial oligarchy will continue to promote raw power rather than
rule of law in a parliamentary system outwith the control of ordinary people
Too many US progressives seem
to accept the myth of United States democracy. We hear and read of all kinds of
change strategies and tactics, which have one thing in common: a belief that
winning elections by progressive candidates will solve our problems. But until
we have a real democracy this won't happen, and we should have learned this
sometime in the last 50 years. Without real democracy, we cannot peacefully or
successfully address the calamitous problems which face us, such as economic
crisis, war, unilateralism, authoritarianism, corporatism, environmental
destruction, loss of privacy and liberty, discrimination, poverty, wage, health
care, education, etc. In society these crucial issues are addressed by laws,
which derive from political power. With no real democracy, electoral strategies
and complaints about issues are just so much hot air. What US progressives have
in common, whatever their specific issue or interest, is a desperate need for
democracy.
Thomas Jefferson [1743-1826] once predicted that every generation would need its
revolution. Politically speaking, we seem to be on the verge of entering a new
dark age, where relations between people, classes, groups, governments and
nations depend on raw power rather than the rule of law. Our national political
system was structured 217 years ago by white, male property owners in what was
then thought to become an essentially agricultural and mercantile society based
in small communities and states. Limited powers were granted to a federal
government of three separate branches.
Since then, enormous technological, economic, scientific, geographic,
demographic and other factors have completely altered the power relationships
then contemplated. Nevertheless, we are still attempting to operate with what is
essentially the original structure. The only basic changes we've made have been
extending the vote to the propertyless, racial minorities and women, and
centralizing the public funding and decision-making power at the federal level.
Although our rulers frequently say that we have a democracy and seek to impose
our institutions on others, the only accurate words to describe our system as it
now functions are commercial oligarchy or plutocracy. The core of the historic
idea of democracy is the possibility of collective decision-making about
collective action for a common good. The reason humans have been trying to
achieve this vision at least since the days of ancient Athens has to do with
freedom. To the extent people can participate in the important decisions which
affect their lives, personally or by true representation, the decisions become
theirs, they implement them, and society's need for coercion diminishes.
The United States was not originally intended to be a democracy (except for one
branch of the legislature). Populism was feared by those who set up our
government. It was first called a republic, and, like Rome and all the rest, has
now morphed into empire. Our important decision-making is done by a power elite
consisting of big business-corporate, military and political, as described by C.
Wright Mills in his 1960 essay "The Power Élite." By funding the
politicians and mass media, our élites acquire the power to use them to obtain
public acquiescence in the societal decisions they make privately.
The problem is that most of our national politicians are not representing the
public interest (common good); rather they are representing the powerful private
interests which fund them, on the theory that some of the benefits will
“trickle down” to the people. They are pursuing self-interest, seeking to
retain their offices which bring them wealth and power – as encouraged by our
dominant “laissez faire” ideology. In a democracy people can protect
themselves by forcing the politicians to set the societal rules which govern
their relations.
Our rulers seek to justify our “interest based” system by calling it
pluralist. In this type of system, where advertising in the media is crucial,
economic power produces political power, political power produces economic
power, and the role of the people disappears. The purpose of a political system
is to allow for an appropriate degree of social change within an appropriate
degree of stability. Today, progressive change in and within our system has
become impossible. Our mass consumer society, which binds us together not by our
values but by enmeshing us in a net of commercial relations, has become an
overwhelming depoliticizing force.
The seats in our House of Representatives (our “people's house”) have become
virtual lifetime appointments, encouraging allegiance to private rather than
public interests. David Brower has called it the House of Lords. Our Congress
has delegated its legislative authority to an imperial presidency. About half of
eligible Americans no longer participate in national elections. Bush, who was
elected by 27% of the eligibles, says he represents those who agree with him.
With a winner-take-all electoral system, only two parties are possible at the
national and state levels. They have morphed into one two-pronged party
purporting to help special interests and status groups. The growth of
alternative, people based parties founded on values has been made impossible by
entrenched laws, impossibility of funding and exclusion from the mass media and
public debate.
There are plenty of good ideas out there which need to be explored publicly and
considered in a revision of our Constitution. Such as (1) a parliamentary system
with proportional representation, where people could find participation and
representation by voting their values; (2) public control of, or at least
significant input in, the broadcast media (the airwaves are public); (3)
selective decentralization of political and economic units so that real
democracy could function, such as return to the original federation idea and
further; (4) elimination of campaign expenditures, replacement with public
funding or at least anonymous, limited contributions; (4) limitation of size,
function and activities of corporations, return to public control (originally
they were public institutions); (5) elimination of our Senate; (6) elimination
of gerrymandering, re-draw House districts based on population and geographical
affinity only; (7) term limits; (8) elimination of Electoral College; (9)
elimination of lobbying - where expertise is necessary, replace with
public commissions; (10) provision for accountability and recall of
representatives; (11) articulation of implied right of privacy in Bill of
Rights; (12) clarification of Congress's responsibility to declare war, military
for national defense only.
Many more political reforms are needed and they all have their benefits and
drawbacks. The point I am trying to make is not which are appropriate; rather, I
think it is now too late to work through the system. The system cannot be fixed
by working through it because it is not functioning. It is no longer in the
people's control. If we keep trying, we are wasting our precious time, and the
other problems like war, ecological disaster, economic crisis, might do us in
first.
Note:
This article was first published by JUST Response on
November 23 2004. Tom Crumpacker is a retired lawyer and essay writer who lives
in Austin, Texas, USA.
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