|

|
|
|
|
|
|
|
'The money and the power of the Church have
certainly played a shameful and inordinate role in this charade;
but it is not the fire and brimstone of the right which made the
difference.'
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Gay
marriage and hypocrisy in Massachusetts
Massachusetts
state law has just implemented a Supreme Judicial Court ruling which allows same
sex couples to marry. But, says Daniel
Patrick Welch, state lawmakers have drawn up their legislation in a cowardly
and hypocritical manner
Perhaps, after all these years, Edmund Burke may have got it wrong: All that is
necessary for the triumph of evil is not, as the wise Englishman once opined,
for good men to do nothing. Sometimes men blunder into evil by the sheer force
of their own cowardice. Evil was done in Massachusetts this week, and it was as
unnecessary as it was pointless. From the first, we need to tease apart the lie
that the state legislature "made room" for civil unions; or worse,
that they were trying to avoid "promoting gay marriage."
When the Supreme Judicial Court's (SJC) Goodridge decision demanded that same sex couples be allowed to
marry, local lawmakers could have done a number of things. They could have
jumped for joy, knowing that they would witness the inevitable triumph of the
power of love and progress over ignorance and bigotry – all without having to lift
a finger or spend any precious political capital. No heroics, no "promoting
the gay agenda," whatever the hell that means. Just the slow wheels of
Justice grinding their inexorable, logical, inevitable way through history,
adapting to the obvious reality that if civil marriage is a state function and
not a religious sacrament, then biblical concepts of coupledom have no place in
the debate.
Instead, the august body went ahead and did something. And boy, did they ever.
Scared to death that Massachusetts might actually light a beacon of progress by
being the first state in the Union to recognize same-sex marriage, they decided
they would rather be known for a different first. Our beloved Commonwealth just
took away a right which the SJC just told us was
constitutionally protected – in fact, it was precisely because of having been told
it was protected. This bears repeating: all the claptrap about "legalizing
gay marriage" is, quite deliberately, I think, putting the cart before the
horse. The courts are increasingly waking up to the realization that same sex
marriage is legal, that the structure of the law cannot survive the
hypocrisy of continuing to exclude one group from legal protections offered to
others.
So in response, the religious right, along with its craven allies in both
parties, is trying to turn back this clock, to put the genie back in the bottle
– or the closet, as it were. All the arguments, from "tradition"
(where is Tevye when we need him most?) to "the right to vote" are
nothing but smokescreens to hide this grim reality: gaybashers helped along by
what one former Massachusetts Governor once referred to as "gutless
wonders." I have not seen a single argument against same-sex marriage that
I did not consider either craven, cynically expedient, or flat out bigoted. With
one exception: Alexander Cockburn calls the gay marriage hoopla a "sidestep
on the road to freedom," basically by saying that since the institution
itself is a bourgeois sham, it does not further human progress by shackling yet
another demographic in its tentacles. While I adore Cockburn's writings, I could
not, as a straight man who chose to get married (and could), sincerely argue
against another's wanting to do so.
In fact, the two experiences are more related than it might seem. It is with
some irony, and a heavy heart, that my wife and I celebrate our own seventh
anniversary as the dust settles on the creepy Constitutional Convention. Half a
century ago, our own marriage would not have been legal. The SJC referred to
this historical analogy in its Goodridge decision, saying, in effect, that it
was no more logical to restrict marriage rights on the basis of gender than it
had been earlier to do so on the basis of race. I'm sure there are still
counties where a majority might still be "uncomfortable" with our
union – but of course, the law requires them to stuff it. Basically, who cares
what the majority thinks? When minority rights are subject to nullification by
the vote of the majority, democracy has begun to devour itself.
But it is just this aspect of the whole episode that is the most chilling, and
the one which has the least to do with the content of any amendment. The money
and the power of the Church have certainly played a shameful and inordinate role
in this charade; but it is not the fire and brimstone of the right which made
the difference. The final vote of this round passed by only four votes: those of
the leadership … Democrats … liberals. Not all, of course, put their
consciences in blind trust. Ted Speliotis, of a district adjacent to mine, had
this common sense observation: "Two people love each other. They want to
get married. Who the hell am I to tell them they can't get married? You have no
business being a state Rep. if you can't stand up for this decision."
Indeed.
And yet, many Democrats, liberals among them, will try to mis-characterize this
as a victory. There is absolutely nothing positive about slowing the path of
progress with a permanent, constitutional ban on same sex marriage. Unless, of
course, one were to point out that it was positively reactionary, positively
spineless. Gay marriage is now legal in Massachusetts, and my prediction is that
it may never be illegal again. The ban has several hurdles yet – not the least of
which is being ratified again by the same body after a new set of elections,
thousands of happy, legal couples, and the slowly dawning realization that one
group's attaining rights doesn't diminish those of another. The Framers, it
seems, were wise enough to know that weaseling politicians couldn't be trusted
not to cave in to baser instincts.
All this, sad to say, will be accomplished without the help – and largely against
the active opposition – of party "leaders." Serves them right. They
think they have dodged a bullet, when in reality they have missed an
opportunity. They really think they will lose zillions of votes by taking credit
for the slow expansion of civil rights. So be it. Their calculus has always been
curiously lacking as to how many they would lose by not having a backbone. They
can't avoid being slammed as the Queer Party: hate crimes legislation, anti-bias
statues, not to mention that almost all elected gays seem to be Democrats. They
still have a shot, however, at picking up another mantle: the party that turns
its back on a loyal part of its own base. For that alone, they deserve the
losses they will reap. Craven or bigoted isn't much of a choice to offer people.
Edmund Burke must be rolling over in his grave: sometimes, it seems, the only
thing necessary to prevent the triumph of good is for weak men to refuse to just
shut up and sit down.
Note:
This article was first published by JUST Response on March 31 2004. Daniel
Patrick Welch
lives and writes in Salem, Massachusetts, USA, with his wife, Julia
Nambalirwa-Lugudde. Together they run The
Greenhouse School. A
writer, singer, linguist and activist, Welch has appeared on radio and is available
for interviews.
Return to top
Return to
opening page
|